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Arditi Magazine features a collection of right wing writers, podcasters, and artists who are White Christians.

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Christogenea

X @christogenea

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Blackbird 9/BB9:

Saturday Snack Shack
BB9 Breakfast Club:

Monika Schaefer:

Monika Schaefer

Etta Volk:

Etta Volk

Matt:

Matt at RBN

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This is the first article in this new section for teaching nationalist activists how to participate in and grow grassroots nationalist activism. In this article, I will be outlining and discussing how:

1. minority political movements gain influence,

2. find constituency,

3. distinguish between supporters and sympathizers,

4. build patiently rather than expecting mass support out of the gate.

These four topics are the foundational ideas behind political organizing as a minority. A movement that starts from the ground up—with a relatively small constituency—has to learn how to think in terms of:

“How do we identify the people who are genuinely receptive, organize them, develop them, and gradually increase our influence?”

And stop thinking in terms of:

“How do we get everyone to agree with us?”

How minority political movements gain influence.

If you look at the public resentment and animosity towards Flock Safety (a brand of automated license plate recognition cameras), you can see several organizations that have stepped up to address the issue. The largest organization in that movement is DeFlock, with over 140k Flock cameras mapped and recorded. However, when DeFlock started in 2024, the general public’s awareness of Flock cameras was nearly non-existent. DeFlock helped bring this serious issue to the mainstream consciousness by influencing court rulings on the grounds of Flock Safety violating the 4th Amendment.

So a minority movement doesn’t necessarily need majority support before it can have political influence. Influence itself comes from being organized, persistent, knowledgeable, visible, and capable of mobilizing people around particular issues.

Yet, it’s important to note that popularity doesn’t equate to organization and organization doesn’t necessarily equate to influence. You need a combination of all three—to varying degrees—in order to create a movement that punches above its weight.

In general, a movement might have 100s of 1,000s of people who sympathize with it, but very little ability to accomplish much of anything. Meanwhile, another might have 500 highly committed members who can organize events, publish material, raise money, contact officials, recruit volunteers, and sustain projects.

The organization inside of a movement that can get more done despite its size, will always achieve more practical influence than an organization that is popular but consistently fails its objectives.

Influence tends to develop through multiple stages.

There are at least 5 different stages of influence that a movement will see:

1. Intellectual influence—the first type of influence in any movement—it produces ideas, research, publications, arguments, historical work, journalism, and cultural material that influence people just by being in its proximity.

2. Social influence—the second type of influence in any movement—members begin building relationships with people outside the movement and the movement becomes known within particular communities.

3. Organizational influence—the third type of influence in any movement—the movement develops enough people and resources to consistently undertake projects and it is able to actually commit to things. This is where you see the development of actual organizations within the movement.

4. Political influence—the fourth type of influence in any movement—politicians, candidates, journalists, community organizations, or other institutions begin paying attention to the movement.

5. Institutional influence—the last type of influence in any movement—the movement’s ideas or personnel begin appearing within established institutions. This is generally takes years to accomplish. Sometimes even decades.

   1. At the organizational influence stage, successful organizations will begin to create parallel structures or institutions in order to compete with established ones. By the institutional influence stage, the ones that work will be kept and the ones that don’t will be folded or reformed.

Don’t skip stages

The biggest mistake that a small movement can make is trying to jump directly from a small amount of members to trying to exert national political influence.

Think of it instead:

10 competent people → 25 → 50 → 100 → 250 → 500

At each stage, the organized movement should become more capable and competent.

The question isn’t simply:

“How many people agree with us?”

It’s:

“What can we accomplish with the people we currently have?”

If 25 members can’t organize a successful local event, recruiting 2,500 followers isn’t going to solve the underlying organizational problem. In fact, all it would do is signal to every single sympathizer that it cannot achieve its goals.

Finding the constituency that actually exists rather than imaging one.

This is the biggest wakeup call for activists who believe they are achieving any amount of influence, but aren’t.

I have come across hundreds and hundreds of activists who begin with the assumption that millions of Americans secretly believe what they believe. And honestly, maybe they do. But the activists wouldn’t know that because they haven’t tested it.

Undoubtedly, there is a big increase in sympathetic Americans to the nationalist cause. However, sympathy doesn’t equate to real support. They could agree with 9 out of 10 things, but that last one might be an ideological deal breaker. For example, maybe they don’t think miscegenation is a big deal or they’re in favor of it.

The internet makes determining the scope of support particularly difficult because most activists can spend years surrounded by people who share their worldview and can’t fathom what the average political opinion is among Whites.

Social media feeds can create the illusion that a movement is enormous when it isn’t. So, treat constituencies as something to discover empirically.

Start with hypotheses.

Suppose an organization is of the belief that they appeal to:

• young men

• small-business owners

• veterans

• Christians

• tradesmen

• students

• historical enthusiasts

That doesn’t automatically make it true that all of those groups constitute their constituency.

So, the best thing for the organization to do is to test them and find out where they actually find people who:

1. understand their basic position,

2. agree with enough of it,

3. are willing to associate with the organization,

4. are willing to contribute time or money,

5. and remain involved.

That fifth criterion is extremely important because an organization will die without a solid membership retention rate.

Measure conversion rather than applause.

Suppose an organization puts out a post about an event on social media and it gets 100K views, 300 likes, and 150 comments. That sounds like an absolutely massive amount of support. Right?

Wrong, because only 12 people bought tickets to the event. Of that 12, 4 joined the organization, but after the 1st month only 3 remained members. Those 3 people should tell them far more about their actual constituency than the 100K views.

Don’t get me wrong, by no means did the post about the event fail. They retained 3 new members and they learned a valuable lesson in the difference between audience—either organic or inorganic—and conversion.

Look for patterns.

After repeated organizing efforts, they may discover something like:

“Our strongest recruits aren’t actually college students. They’re working-class men between 25 and 45 who discovered us through X, Y, and Z.”

That’s valuable information to possess. With that in mind they can totally change their outreach accordingly, because the goal isn’t to manufacture an imaginary constituency, it’s to discover where genuine receptivity already exists and is more likely to grow if nurtured.

For example, one of the best ways to get this information is by polling the members that are already in an organization.

Distinguishing genuine supporters from people who merely agree online.

So, now that we have talked about identifying a constituency that resonates with a movement’s message by gauging conversion rather than applause, it’s time to talk about distinguishing genuine supporters from people who merely agree in principle online.

There are several levels of political commitment:

1. Level 1 — Viewer

   1. This is someone who sees certain content and might agree with it, but there’s no certainty.

2. Level 2 — Follower

   1. This person deliberately subscribes or follows a publication or social media account. And while it is a stronger gauge of commitment, it’s still relatively passive.

3. Level 3 — Supporter

   1. A supporter donates, purchases merchandise, shares materials, attends events, or commits to small acts of activism. This is where an organization will actually be able to see behavioral evidence.

4. Level 4 — Participant

   1. This person attends meetings, volunteers, contributes regularly, and/or participates in projects. This is someone becoming part of the organization.

5. Level 5 — Member

   1. They formally join and accept organizational responsibilities.

6. Level 6 — Activist

   1. This is a member who initiates activity rather than waiting for instructions. They recruit people, organize events, produce material, and or take responsibility for projects.

7. Level 7 — Organizer

   1. This is the highest level of political commitment to a movement’s activism. This is a crucial transition, because they will develop other activists capable of doing work instead of merely doing the work by themselves.

The test is behavior.

Instead of a organization just asking:

“Do you agree with us?”

They must also ask:

“What are you willing to do?”

There isn’t anything inherently wrong with someone merely being a sympathizer. But an organization needs to know the difference if they’re going to be successful.

For example someone who:

• Reads an article → shows interest

• Subscribes → shows continued interest

• Shares an article → identifies with that article in some way

• Donates $10 → contributes financial support (obviously)

• Attends an event → has some sort of personal investment

• Volunteers → actively supports the organization

• Joins → commits to the organization

• Recruits someone → shares their commitment with another

• Organizes an event → shows leadership potential

In full transparency, none of these are perfect measures, but together they help to provide a much clearer picture of convertible behavior.

Don’t insult passive supporters.

This is one I have seen quite a lot in the last 15 years that I have been an activist. Time after time, I see organizations and recruiters for organizations treating people who don’t volunteer as “fake supporters.”

I can tell you from experience, dear reader, that sentiment will push potential members away. Someone might genuinely agree with what an organization espouses or does, but they have little time to personally commit to that organization.

And that’s is why it is incredibly important to understand the difference between an audience and an organization.

A publication might have more than 20K active subscribers, but they only have 150 members in their political organization. These are two completely different assets and neither one should be diminished.

An organization has to understand the difference between those two assets and how to use them to their advantage without disenfranchising one for the sake of the other.

Building patiently rather than expecting immediate mass support.

I have seen this time and time again: small political movements expect to rule the world, but can barely get out of bed.

This is called premature expectation, and it often comes about when the founder of a political movement reads about a historical one that went from obscurity to prominence and thinks:

“We’re going to do that.”

However, they either forget or are completely ignorant of the years and years of political and organizational struggle before there was any visible breakthrough.

Personally, my mentality—which I believe is the correct one—is:

BUILD THE INSTITUTION FIRST.

This is a callback to stage 3 of the stages of influence—organizational influence—, because at its core, an organization is a parallel institution of some kind.

So how does a movement build the first institution/organization? Well, firstly they’re going to have to think in layers, like an onion:

• Year 1 — all about building the core of their organization.

• Year 2 — now they can expand membership and establish repeatable recruitment.

• Year 3 — now should focus on developing additional leaders and expanding the organization’s geographic reach.

• Year 4 — by now the organization should be expanding to include more publications, increasing the amount of events they attend or hold, raking in more fundraising, and increasing their overall public presence.

• Year 5+ — at this point the organization should be able to leverage the institutional power that they have built. The exact timeline obviously varies, but it’s the principle that’s important.

Don’t measure yourself against mass movements.

For example, a small organization shouldn’t constantly ask:

“Why aren’t we as big as Patriot Front?”

It should ask:

“Are we substantially stronger than we were six months ago?”

Lets say for example that an organization has 20 members and 2 recruiters in January, as well as 1 regular publication, they bring in $500/month and they have already held an event.

In July they have boosted their numbers up to 35 members and now they have 4 highly trained recruiters. Their total income is $875/month, they have 2 publications, and they are now able to hold 3 recurring events.

That’s the measurement of real tangible growth.

Build institutional memory.

This is absolutely crucial and should be at the forefront of every organization’s agenda: every activity should produce something that survives the activity itself.

For example if an organization is holding an event, it should produce new contacts, new members, promotional photos/material, the organizers should learn some lessons to make the next event even better, they should acquire potential volunteers, and build future relationships.

Networking is the key to future success and it will open the door to new opportunities. An organization cannot survive without it.

If an organization is doing a recruitment campaign, it should produce better recruitment methods, better conversation starters, a better understanding of their constituency, and above all it should train the recruiters to be better at their job.

Also, a publication should produce readers, subscribers, researchers, writers, donors, and it should bring potential members to the recruitment line.

Essentially, this is a long-winded way of saying that every activity should increase the organization’s future capacity for success and any activity that doesn’t should be forgotten.

The deeper principle to operating as a minority political movement.

Taking the 4 key topics that I wrote about in this article on operating as a minority political movement, the deeper principle can be summarized as:

Find the people who actually exist → Determine which of them are genuinely receptive → Convert the receptive people into participants and members → Train those members into activists and organizers → Build an institution capable of increasingly ambitious things → Use that institution to reach a larger constituency.

The objective isn’t to convince everyone. It’s to find the people who can become part of something great and then building it into something great with them.

Monika Schaefer

Etta Volk

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The New Way

Arditi

Arditi Magazine features a collection of right wing writers, podcasters, and artists who are White Christians.

By Imperator Ardito

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Holy Land Radio

In this guest-hosted edition of Critical Review, Patrick Chenal sat down with Joe from Florida for a wide-ranging and deeply contentious conversation that moved from religion and media power to revisionist takes on history and present-day geopolitics. We reflected on my previous interview with Mary Phagan Kean, discussed the legacy of the Leo Frank case and the Anti-Defamation League, and touched on the work of writers and commentators such as E. Michael Jones and James Perloff. Along the way, we also spoke about Mother Teresa’s feast day, the role of Catholic belief in public life, and Pope Leo XIV’s recent AI encyclical, Magnifica Humanitas.

In the second half, Joe and Patrick turned to contemporary politics, including Charlie Kirk, Candace Owens, Turning Point USA, and the broader fractures inside the American right over foreign policy and the Middle East. The conversation tied those topics back to bigger themes that regularly surface on this program: censorship, influence, debt, war, media narratives, and whether younger generations are starting to challenge long-standing political assumptions. Whatever listeners make of the claims and conclusions raised, this episode was an unfiltered look at the convictions, anxieties, and worldview driving one corner of dissident talk radio.

Sources:

•Republic Broadcasting Network: Republic Broadcasting Network

•Critical Review (program home via RBN hosts/schedule): https://republicbroadcasting.org/hosts-schedule/

•Mary Phagan Kean Legacy Project:

https://www.maryphagan.com/

•Anti-Defamation League:

https://www.adl.org/

•E. Michael Jones / Culture Wars:

Culture Wars by E. Michael Jones

•Fidelity Press:

Fidelity Press by E. Michael Jones

•The Jewish Revolutionary Spirit (Fidelity Press): The Jewish Revolutionary Spirit (2nd Edition) — Fidelity Press — Fidelity Press by E. Michael Jones

•James Perloff:

https://jamesperloff.net/

•Truth Is a Lonely Warrior (James Perloff):

https://jamesperloff.net/

•Monica Perez Show:

https://monicaperezshow.com/

•Candace Owens:

https://candaceowens.com/

•Charlie Kirk:

https://www.charliekirk.com/

•Turning Point USA:

https://tpusa.com/

•David Duke:

https://davidduke.com/

•Mother Teresa of Calcutta (Vatican biography): https://www.vatican.va/news_services/liturgy/saints/ns_lit_doc_20031019_madre-teresa_en.html

•Magnifica Humanitas (Pope Leo XIV encyclical): https://www.vatican.va/content/leo-xiv/en/encyclicals/documents/20260515-magnifica-humanitas.pdf

•Federal Reserve Act Signed into Law (Federal Reserve History): Federal Reserve Act Signed into Law

•The Birth of a Nation (Library of Congress): https://www.loc.gov/item/95522190/

•Hidden Government (Google Books record): https://books.google.com/books/about/Hidden_Government.html?id=gTIoDwAAQBAJ

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Find Mary Phagan Kean at:

X account Mary Phagan Kean

Little Mary Phagan

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X account Mary Phagan Kean

Little Mary Phagan

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It’s no secret that there are problems in South Africa. For those in the know, we understand just how bad the situation has gotten. However, there are still many people who do not understand exactly what is going on. So, before I get into the most recent event, I will give a brief summary of the situation.

Before the apartheid was ended, South Africa was a White-minority run government. However, after apartheid was ended, the government became became dominated by blacks. The African National Congress (ANC) freed Nelson Mandela and a universal adult vote saw him elected as South Africa’s president. For many people, they hear this and they believe it’s progress, but South Africa is a devolving state.

The ANC remained in power for the next three decades, having won every national election from 1994-2019. As time went on its vote share declined and other parties became more popular. I will talk about those in just a second.

After apartheid, the South African economy constantly struggled with very high unemployment, persistent poverty, electricity shortages, weak infrastructure, declining industrial competitiveness, and significant government debt. It turned out, having Whites controlling the government and holding the high position jobs was actually what created civilization.

The most visible issue, besides the clear degradation of the environment and infrastructure, has to be the on-going electricity crisis. Eskom, the state-owned electricity utility organization, cannot effectively operate the electrical grid. To the point where South Africa constantly load-sheds—meaning scheduling electrical outages—because they cannot generate a sufficient amount of energy to keep them on-demand. The issue is at its greatest now.

As you can imagine, violent crime also skyrocketed as murder, robbery, assault, and organized crime became common occurrences in the country.

During the Zuma government (2009-2018), South Africa became synonymous with corruption. The term “state capture” came to describe allegations that politically connected businessmen, particularly the Gupta family (Indian, of course), exercised extensive influence over government appointments and state-owned enterprises.

“Kill the Boer”

Earlier I spoke about the ANC declining in power. After apartheid was ended, the ANC pursued land distribution policies. However, they were not successful in tackling the issues that the country was facing. Despite that, their are still some that believe that the Whites are the root of the issue. The ANC not delivering on their promises, facing corruption, and with other parties rising, the ANC made a deal with the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).

The EFF is the 3rd largest party in South Africa and a communist party at that. The EFF became internationally recognized for their 2023 rally where they sung a longtime White genocide song, “Kill the Boer.”

A month after the rally where EFF leader Julius Malema sang the White genocide anthem, attacks on White farmers increased throughout the country. In August alone, there were 22 attacks on farms in South Africa and six farmers were killed. AfriForum, an organization that represents Afrikaners (Boers are a subset of this group), reported that in 2022 there were 333 attacks on White farmers. In the same year, 50 farmers were killed in those attacks. Between 2019-2021, AfriForum reported that there were at least 1,310 attacks on farms in South Africa resulting in 163 deaths. This is equivalent to a rate of 437 attacks per year and 54 deaths on average per year.

According to a report, only 5% of the attacks that occurred between 2019 and 2022 were resolved in court, which is 66 of the 1,402 total attacks. In the provinces of Gauteng, Mpumalanga, North West and Northern Cape, no one has ever been found guilty of violence against Boers. The writer’s of the report concluded:

“Weak investigative work, ineffective prosecutions and a clear unwillingness of the government to tackle rural safety and farm attacks in particular are probably the reason for these shocking findings.”

There have also been reports of an attack on a farm in KwalaZulu-Natal province in which attackers imitated Malema and sang the song while raiding the property of Tim and Amanda Platt. According to AfriForum, four armed men entered the couple’s farm where they attacked the Platts. Amanda was beaten several times with blunt weapons, in addition to being stabbed with a spear. Amanda noted that they were singing and shouting “Kill the Boer.” Fortunately, Amanda was able to escape from her attackers and was able to get a gun to protect her and her husband. But not everyone is so fortunate.

Jacques Broodryck, a spokesperson for AfriForum, told Voz Media:

“We find ourselves in a situation where farmers are literally being murdered and tortured. So you can see how a party like the EFF, chanting ‘Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer’ to thousands of people, certainly doesn’t help. We believe that this is incitement and that it undoubtedly influences the frequency of attacks.”

Expropriation Act 13

In 2024, South Africa enacted Expropriation Act 13, which was signed into law in January of 2025. This new act allows the black dominated government to take White owned properties without any reason and without having to pay any kind of compensation to the White farmers they take the property from—found in Section 12(3).

Because the law says that the land must be taken “for public purpose or public interest,” they use manufactured excuses to take land from its rightful owners.

The act also allows farms to be claimed on the basis of “dispossession” occurring decades before the current owner acquired the property. Meaning that all that some black needs to do is make a claim for the land. So even if land has been in a White person’s family for hundreds of years, blacks have a claim on it. That’s not the worst part of this act.

The government is able to establish “public-purpose/public-interest expropriation” by issuing the White owner a notice of intention, where they have 30 days to submit objections. But these objections are often disregarded. So what would happen if a White farmer was deemed to be a threat to the public?

The act has a clause that allows the government to use urgent means to temporarily take the land if there is a “real and imminent danger to human life or substantial injury or damage to property.” This allows the government to modify normal procedural requirements. If a White farmer was said to be actively threatening people with violence from their property, the government could take emergency measures against the “threat.”

A New Martyr

Last Sunday, a Boer Nationalist, Cornelius Van Dalen, was confronted by police on a farm property he was renting in Robertson, South Africa. Allegedly the police had received a complaint that Van Dalen was taking pot shots at his neighbors car. However, from the video below, we can see that the police didn’t respond in the way that we would assume. In the video below, the police are standing at his gate and they’re speaking to each other in a calm manner. Van Dalen certainly seems annoyed, but he agrees to allow one police officer to enter the compound to check his weapon.

However, you will also note that the neighbor and accuser (who is filming the interaction) is antagonizing Van Dalen in order to make him act in an aggressive manner.

Despite Van Dalen’s best efforts, the police refused to meet him halfway. Instead we have footage of the police obscuring Van Dalen’s property cameras.

In the video below, you will see one of the black officers unholstering his gun in anticipation while two other officers are still speaking with Van Dalen.

It seems that regardless of what Van Dalen wanted, the police had intent to raid the property.

News outlets are now reporting that Van Dalen was already taking shots at police before they had a conversation with him:

“Van Dalen’s death stemmed from an incident on Sunday (16 August) when he fired shots at a neighbour’s car, damaging the vehicle. Van Dalen also fired several shots at the local police and farm owner Karl Smith when they were on their way to attend the scene.”

But, if that were the case, then why would they all be standing outside his gate talking to him like he wasn’t supposedly taking pot shots at the police?

Robertson, South Africa, has massive drug cartel issues. Among many of them is the fact that Van Dalen made the following Facebook post during the standoff with police.

And what we know now is that the Hawks (DPCI), South Africa’s specialized agency for serious organized crime, serious commercial crime, and serious corruption began investigating the scene Saturday. If the allegations didn’t have some truth to them the Hawks wouldn’t investigate.

Robertson, a town of 9,355 (as of 2011), is located in the Western Cape province with a population that is 42% White. It has a massive drug problem. In June of 2022, searched 30 drug premises and 25 residences. They seized roughly R45,000 worth of cannabis, while another suspect was arrested with Mandrax and tik.

In September 2023, Robertson police seized 1,068 Mandrax tablets from a vehicle during a checkpoint.

Robertson has a well established drug problem, but it isn’t a drug center. Instead the drugs are distributed into farming communities like Robertson from Cape Town and Worcester.

Western Cape province also has a massive corruption issue. A Western Cape High Court judgment in 2022 found evidence that stated gang members had infiltrated senior SAPS structures in the province and could obtain sensitive police information. The Western Cape Premier subsequently asked the Police Ombud to investigate alleged SAPS–gang links.

A subsequent GI-TOC investigation has documented allegations of police officers:

• passing information about raids to gangs;

• diverting investigations away from particular gangsters;

• recirculating seized drugs and firearms;

• and participating in extortion and fraud.

So, Van Dalen’s allegations have some basis as both police corruption and drug cartels are both documented problems in Robertson.

On Saturday, Boer nationalists got together to hold a memorial for Van Dalen, who has been likened to America’s Robert Matthew.

The Telegram message from the memorial post read:

On Saturday, our members in the Western Cape region came together in the town of Robertson to pay respect to a fallen hero. Vryburgers waved the Vierkleur and put up white crosses bearing Cornelius' name around town.

It was Sunday, the 16th of August, when Cornelius van Dalen bravely stood his ground as police started harassing him at the Robertson-area farm house that he rented. The incident eventually led to a standoff much like that of Ruby Ridge in the US, when Cornelius refused to surrender. An image now circulating on social media shows stickers of the Vierkleur flag and the Sonnenrad on Cornelius's vehicle, along with the phrase "Eendracht Maakt Macht", indicating that he was a White Nationalist who also stood for the Boer cause.

In typical fashion, the lying mainstream media immediately started running with the narrative that Cornelius was simply a crazed right-wing extremist who randomly and for no apparent reason open fired on his neighbours and the police.

However, it does not take a lot of research to figure out that there is more to the story and that the corrupt police are covering their own tracks.

As Boers, we live under an occupied government in our own homeland, forced upon us by an occupying police force that practises a two-tier, anti-white justice system. Cornelius stood up to this corrupt system and should be remembered as the hero he was.

The only option for Boers in South Africa is to unify and centralize in one area. They cannot exist if they remain separated in proximity to one another.

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President Trump said last Friday that he plans to declare the Strait of Hormuz “a territory of the United States” after the Iran war—as he again slammed US allies for not helping break Tehran’s hold on the waterway.

Trump said during a Long Island rally for Republican candidates in the gubernatorial and congressional elections:

“After we finish defeating Iran, which is being very badly defeated—pretty soon I’ll be declaring the Hormuz Strait a territory of the United States.”

This is something that Trump can’t even do because of international treaties, but that rhetoric isn’t the main point.

While Trump acknowledged the economic effects of the six-month conflict, he still argued that ensuring Iran could not build a nuclear weapon was worth paying “a tiny little bit more for your gasoline.”

In fact, he stated:

“When you have to pay a little bit more, you’re at $4. It’s okay. I’ll never apologize. I did the right thing.”

While the national average for gas is $4.08 per gallon, the highest prices can be found in the following states:

• California: $5.58/gallon for regular gasoline.

• Hawaii: $5.44

• Washington: $5.16

• Alaska: $4.82

• Nevada: $4.77

Meanwhile the national average for diesel is $5.43 per gallon. The highest prices for diesel can be found in the following states:

• Hawaii: $6.99/gal

• California: $6.86/gal

• Washington: ~$6.20/gal

• Oregon: ~$6.10/gal

• Nevada: $5.73/gal

While both of the former lists are comprised of the highest state averages, they do not represent the highest prices found in an individual market. Meaning prices may be even higher for consumers depending on their locality.

As expected, Trump’s preliminary peace deal with Iran—signed June 17th—fell apart last month after both sides couldn’t agree on terms regarding the Strait. Iran intended to charge ships for transit after 60 days—which the US argued against—and the US decided to approve commercial ships for a contested sea lane along Oman’s coast without getting Iran’s approval during the negotiation process.

Trump previously floated in March renaming the waterway “the Strait of America”—or even after himself—after European and Asian allies balked at launching a joint effort to secure the oil and gas bottleneck.

At the rally, Trump told the crowd:

“NATO wasn’t there for us, by the way. You know, NATO was not there for us. We paid all that money for so many decades. Money, money, money. Then we say, ‘Yeah, give us a hand.’ Well, sir, we’d rather not.’ But we remember.”

Trump told his audience that Iranians had “nobody to negotiate with”— following recent remarks where he ripped the “duplicitous” designees talking with his special envoy Steve Witkoff.

Trump then stated that Iranian economic woes could help bring the Islamic Republic to its knees:

“They have 350 percent inflation. Their currency is valueless.”

Iran does have a cumulative inflation rate of 442% since 2021, and it is currently heading for an economic breakdown. However, China is stepping in to help alleviate some of the financial issues that Iran is facing. While Iran is having a harder time supplying China with oil, China is increasingly turning to Russia for its fuel needs. This causes a larger issue where Iran becomes a diplomatic holdout while Trump’s two largest competitors become even more economically entangled.

The largest issue for the Trump administration’s agenda is a scenario where Iran is able to hold its position long enough to force America into a recession.

With Trump alienating America’s NATO allies, increased overall prices in the American economy and the deeper issue of a sustained recession, Trump and ultimately the American population will lose.

There is no scenario where the American people actually benefit from this. If Iran is able to hold on long enough, America enters into a recession, and H1-B Visas will only increase to replace the White working population. Amnesty and legal immigration will only increase, further driving us into economic hardship and ruin. Not to mention, Russia has the advantage in sheer volume of oil being brought to the world market. As of now Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are all turning to the US for oil. However, India is increasingly turning to Russia for its energy needs. India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world—thanks to leaching off the US.

To be frank, this what I believe the Trump administration wants anyway. Even if the Iranian-dependent-oil-importing-countries such as Japan, China, India, South Korea and many of America’s NATO allies turn more to the US, the American economy will not get better because the White population is being economically and ethnically replaced.

If the conflict is still happening during the November midterms, then the Democrats will win and they will force the Trump administration to make a deal with Iran. Prices will most likely still increase, but the Democrats will be seen as the victors in the minds of the voters. This is will be the staging ground for the 2028 presidential election, where a Democrat victory is more than likely.

Either way, prices will increase, the White population will be economically and ethnically replaced, and we end up in a worst position than before as we get closer to the 2045 demographic change, where a substantial amount of Whites will die off with the Baby Boomers, making Whites a minority in our own country.

Topics

• What Is the Talmud? — We examine the origins and structure of the Mishnah and Gemara and their role within Rabbinic Judaism.

• The Talmud & Non-Jews — We investigate passages concerning Gentiles and examine how rabbis historically interpreted the distinction between Jews and non-Jews.

• The Talmud & Jesus — We examine the disputed references to Jesus and Christianity and the debate over their identification and historical context.

• Talmudic Law & Morality — We explore how the Talmud approaches law, ethics, property, testimony, and obligations toward different groups.

Key Takeaway

The Talmud deserves to be examined critically rather than treated as either unquestionable religious authority or dismissed as nothing more than antisemitic caricature. This episode investigates its actual teachings and controversial passages to determine what the texts really say, what their historical context was, and whether modern defenses or condemnations accurately represent them.

Sources & Further Reading

• Talmud

• Jesus in the Talmud by Peter Schäfer

• The Talmud Unmasked The Secret Rabbinical Teachings Concerning Christians by Father Justinas Bonaventura Pranaitis

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Topics

• Islam & the West — We examine whether Islamic beliefs and political principles can coexist with the cultural and political traditions of Western civilization.

• Islam & Liberal Democracy — We discuss questions surrounding democracy, individual rights, religious liberty, and the role of religious law in a secular constitutional system.

• Islamic Theology & Western Values — We examine areas of agreement and tension between traditional Islamic teachings and modern Western ideas concerning morality, family, gender, and individual freedom.

• Muslim Integration & Assimilation — We consider whether Muslims can maintain their religious identity while fully participating in Western societies and political institutions.

• Christianity & Western Civilization — We examine the contrasting argument that Christianity has a historically distinctive relationship with the development of Western institutions, values, and political thought.

Key Takeaway

The debate ultimately raises the question of whether Islam can be fully reconciled with the political, cultural, and philosophical foundations of the modern West, and whether the differences between Islamic and Western conceptions of law, morality, and religious authority represent genuine incompatibilities or differences that can be successfully reconciled.

Sources & Further Reading

• Against the Heresy of the Ishmaelites by St. John of Damascus

• The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades) by Robert Spencer

• The Legacy of Jihad by Andrew G. Bostom

• Why I Am Not a Muslim by Ibn Warraq

Listen to the full episode above.

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